Long live the 50th anniversary of the New People’s Army!

On March 29, 2019, the New People’s Army of the Philippines celebrates its 50th birthday. This anniversary is an opportunity to return to the heroic path of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the New People’s Army (NPA). A story of exemplary revolutionary struggle at the service of the masses against the three mountains that crush the Filipino people: imperialism, bureaucratic capitalism and feudalism. This People’s War led by the CPP and the People’s Army, the NPA, is an inspiration for people all over the world aspiring to liberation.

The NPA: 50 years of People’s War under the leadership of the Communist Party of the Philippines

The struggle of the Filipino people is old: from 1895, it started a war of independence against Spanish colonialism with the national bourgeoisie. American imperialism, which was developing throughout Latin America and Asia-Pacific, threw its claws on the Philippines at that time, entering the war against the first Republic of the Philippines in 1899. Among the most important martyrs of this period, let us note the immortal name of Andres Bonifacio who inspired and continues to inspire generations of revolutionaries.

US imperialism forced the occupation of the Philippine archipelago by a fierce war, killing between 12,000 and 20,000 independence fighters, and more than 200,000 Filipino civilians. After 3 years, the Yankee occupier imposed a new regime and colonization under “protectorate” of the Philippines. In the south, the campaign of “pacification” of the Yankee imperialism in Mindanao against the Moro people lasted until 1910 because the Moros resisted fiercely.

It was under American occupation that the Communist Party of the Philippines was born in 1930. It was very quickly made illegal. During the Second World War, the Philippines was occupied by Japanese imperialism which dominated the archipelago from 1942. Succeeding American imperialism, Japanese imperialism imposed itself with immense brutality such as with the march of death of Bataan that caused more than 20 000 deaths in April 1942. Hukbalahap (“People’s Army Against the Japanese”) guerilla warfare was created by the Communist Party to lead the resistance against Japan, especially on the island of Luzon with Mount Arrayat as its base. For the first time, the national liberation struggle is being waged directly under the leadership of the communists and no longer under the leadership of the bourgeois political forces.

During the US offensive in the Pacific in 1945, US imperialism regained control of the Philippines. The US military first concluded an alliance with the Hukbalahap before betraying them and liquidating them. The Communist Party of the Philippines, led by opportunists on the right, then entered a period of legalism and decided to focus its strategy on participation in Parliament. This strategy is a failure and the Party, which has only few candidates elected to Parliament, is quickly banned from the latter. He then reactivated the armed struggle with the left opportunist hope of a quick victory in a period of two years. For US imperialism, the Philippines is the most important gateway to Asia, so the “independence” they give in 1946 to the archipelago is only formal. They install their comprador puppets in palaces and militarily support the fight against the communists until 1954 when the People’s Liberation Army undergoes very heavy reverses.

Following the military defeat, the leadership of the Communist Party of the Philippines sinks even more in the revisionist way, aligning itself behind the positions of the Communist Party of Soviet Union which will push this party in a criminal pacifism. Faced with this drift of the Communist Party and facing an increasingly worrying national situation dominated by American imperialism, in November 30, 1964, the anniversary of the death of Andres Bonifacio, was founded Kabataang Makabayan, the Patriotic Youth. This anti-imperialist movement was primarily present in the universities. It will establish a fair and accurate analysis and critique of the history of the Communist Party of the Philippines from its founding in 1930 until its virtual disappearance in the 1960s. Inspired by the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China, it is in the struggle against revisionism that the First Great Rectification Movement took place. These young communists inspired by the revolution in China will thus reconstitute the Communist Party of the Philippines December 26, 1968, date of the 75th anniversary of the birth of Mao Zedong.

A few months after its reconstitution, the Communist Party of the Philippines founded the New People’s Army (NPA) on March 29, 1969, rallying veterans of the Hukbalahap and young communists by giving an authentically communist leadership to the revolution. When the NPA was formed it had only 60 fighters armed with 9 assault rifles and 26 single shot guns and pistols. In the Philippines is then born the Protracted People’s War, led by the Communist Party leading the New People’s Army (NPA) and the National Democratic Front (NDF) for the revolution of new democracy against imperialism, the comprador bourgeoisie, and towards socialism.

Since 1969, the NPA is the People’s Army, politically led by the Communist Party of the Philippines. “Without an army like the NPA, the people have nothing,” Amado Guerrero wrote, paraphrasing Mao Zedong. This People’s Army will grow considerably during the dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos who declared martial law in 1972. Under his brutal dictatorship backed by US imperialism, the NPA will experience major leaps that will make it the people’s army as we know it today.

The NPA: invincible because in service of the people!

The armed struggle of the New People’s Army in the protracted People’s War is invincible, because it is right and the NPA proves every day that it is in service of the people, and that the masses are defending it with all their might.

According to the basic rules of the NPA, it is the main organization of the Communist Party of the Philippines, constantly and deeply linked to the masses. Above all, it carries out the political work of building and organizing the New Power of the Popular masses based mainly on the alliance between workers and peasants. Its three tasks are to lead the protracted People’s War, to mobilize and defend the masses, and to promote their national and democratic interests.

This shows the role of the NPA in the revolution: by mobilizing the masses and by creating and supporting revolutionary militias and popular self-defense units, it gradually moves the masses from disorganized and disarmed to organized and armed. By organizing the masses for the local People’s Government and defending the popular tribunals, organs composed by the masses themselves, it guarantees the construction and extension of the New Power. Putting the political work with the masses, the propaganda and the defense of the masses and their interests first, the NPA is in service of the people, and a force authentically supported by the masses can accomplish everything.

The NPA follows the 3 Grand Rules of Discipline and the 8 Points of Attention of President Mao to maintain a revolutionary line and exemplarity towards the masses. With its strict discipline and openness to people of all sex, gender and sexual orientation, the NPA guarantees a truly popular army, which does not take advantage of the oppressions of semi-colonial semi-feudal society. Under the leadership of the Communist Party, the NPA is the main organization of the masses for their liberation, unlike the mercenary paramilitary groups that sell themselves to the government and foreign firms.

For example, the NPA plays an important role in ensuring the health and well-being of the masses in areas where the reactionary government leaves poor peasants and farm workers without any protection. It provides general and political education for a growing number of Filipinos in its mass base. When the reactionary government attacks the NPA, it targets schools, care camps, and all that makes the NPA a People’s Army. By attacking the NPA, the government of the old state attacks the masses directly.

Translation: People’s War until total victory! Join the NPA!

The NPA: an example for the peoples of the world!

Faced with all the obstacles and difficulties, the NPA has not failed for 50 years. US imperialism used ferocious fascist dictatorships, like that of Marcos in the 70s and 80s, and the People’s War came out stronger. Against revisionism within the revolutionary movement and liquidationism, the armed struggle of the NPA emerged victorious from the Second Great Rectification Movement of the 1990s within the Communist Party of the Philippines.

Recently again, the NPA has shown us its incredible ability to inflict deadly blows on the enemy. In December 2018, in Agusan del Sur on the island of Mindanao, an entire detachment of CAFGUs (Citizen Armed Force Geographical Unit, a paramilitary unit of the government) and a Special Forces battalion were put out of action ,with 24 large caliber rifles seized from the enemies of the people taken prisoner without the NPA having to fire a single shot. In February 2019, the NPA supported the struggle of several thousand Mindoro residents against a hydroelectric project that would force many displacements and devastate the environment. Peacefully gathering the workers and informing them of the reasons for their action against the capitalist company behind the project, the NPA soldiers disposed of 44 heavy construction vehicles. A week before, in Mindanao, the NPA had stormed and successfully invaded the patrol base of the 1st Special Forces battalion, known to defend the multinationals from attacks by the NPA. On March 27, 2019, in the Eastern Visayas, two brothers escaped the police who wanted to torture and execute them and voluntarily surrendered weapons and ordnance to the nearest NPA unit by agreeing to submit to the revolutionary justice.

President Mao wrote that it is the masses who make history. In the Philippines, this truth is embodied in the heroism of the Party-led fighting masses, who are fighting against all forms of exploitation and oppression in a semi-colonial semi-colonial society dominated by imperialism. It is this heroism of the popular masses that we honor when we celebrate the New People’s Army, because it is in the depths of their pulpit that the masses lead the fight for revolution in the highest form of class struggle: the People’s War. These are the fighters of the NPA. It is the women of the people who are liberating themselves in the revolution, like the martyr Maria Lorena Barros, while the current President Duterte wants to “shoot them in the vagina”. These are all the martyrs of the revolution in the Philippines, fallen for the just cause of communism, the struggle to victory, and the great international workers movement. Their memory is our memory, their struggle is ours. Those who have given their lives for the cause of the people have not given it in vain, because all over the world the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations are working to raise the red flag. And one thing is certain: we will win because the future belongs to communism.

The CPP and the NPA show each day in practice the strategy of Protracted People’s War, the universal strategy of the proletariat for the seizure of power. The NPA is a productive army, an army that sets up the democratic principles of popular government, an army in service of the masses, and shows us what is universally essential in the People’s War: the New Power.

To express our solidarity with the People’s Wars, we must popularize their struggles internationally, beyond their borders, and build real international solidarity against the massacres of imperialism and the reactionary governments of the old bourgeois state. Lenin teaches us that proletarian internationalism demands fighting against our own imperialism, an accomplice and actor in the struggle against the peoples of the world and against the Communists.

Our solidarity with the People’s War in the Philippines demands that we learn from it and all the People’s Wars for our own liberation. We must today build the 3 instruments of the revolution in the French state. The People’s War is to be subjected to the concrete conditions of the French State, which is an imperialist country whose reality is very different from semi-colonial semi-colonial Philippines. The People’s Wars are for us shining examples of the road to revolution and our demands as communists can not be accomplished without drawing all possible lessons from these immense struggles.

The Communist Party of the Philippines and the NPA are now hard-pressed to lead the popular masses of their country to free themselves from imperialist yoke and capitalist barbarism by the just way of the People’s War. Comrades, you carry the red flag high in the eyes of the Philippines and the world, you fight the capitalist domination of imperialism in the most concrete way. Digmang Bayan hanggang his tagumpay! People’s War until the total victory!

Long live the 50th anniversary of the New People’s Army!

Digmang Bayan hanggang his tagumpay!

Victory to the People’s War in the Philippines and the People’s Wars led by the Communist Parties around the world!

Long live the ideology of the proletariat, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism!

March 18th 2019: Freedom for Ajith!

Freedom for Ajith! Support People‘s War in India!

“The people’s war has now been raised to the position of a countrywide recognized revolutionary pole, a pole that stands in total opposition to the counter-revolutionary pole of the ruling classes and imperialism. The ruling classes, who were dismissing it till recently as insignificant, are now forced to acknowledge it as the biggest internal threat they face.”

– Communist Party of India (M-L) Naxalbari: “Message to the International Conference to Support People‘s War in India, Hamburg”

“Comrade Murali’s [Ajith‘s] arrest in particular is one of the biggest losses suffered by our Party and the Central Committee.”

– Central Committee of the Communist Party of India (maoist): Declaration of 16-05-2015

India is not, as the imperialists like to proclaim it, the “world’s largest democracy”, but a peoples dungeon[prison] of enormous proportions. US imperialism, as well as some European imperialists, rule over India through bureaucratic capitalism and also conserve feudalism to a great extent. The fact that the imperialists are talking about “democracy” in the face of the genocide perpetrated daily in India, the ruin of innumerable peasants, the caste system, the murder of women, the genocide of the Adivasi and many more examples, shows clearly what imperialists mean when they talk about “democracy”. The plundering and oppression of the masses of India is fueled by numerous resistance, a multitude of struggles: militant peasant movements, people’s struggles against nuclear power stations and repression, national liberation struggles and large workers strikes show this to the progressive and anti imperialist forces of the whole world. However, as “the greatest threat to India’s internal security” the Indian government described the People’s War, led by the Communist Party of India (maoist). The CPI(maoist) leads with People’s War the New Democratic Revolution, which smashes the old state apparatus and brings the liberation from imperialism and bondage.

Through the “Operation Green Hunt” and the counterinsurgency method “Hearts and Minds”, both of which mean genocide, the ruling classes try to isolate the CPI(maoist) and to suffocate the People’s War in the blood of the masses. No matter how furiously they strike out, they do not succeed! The CPI(maoist) and the masses became more and more connected, and the people’s war beats deep roots in the masses, who stand firmly by the side of the New Democratic Revolution. The deep attachment of the Party to the masses and the steadfastness with which it leads the revolution, the people’s war, set great example and hope for revolutionary forces throughout the world. In the context of the crisis beginning from 2008, the imperialists increasingly promoted the Hindu-fascist policy they supported in order to step up their fight against the mass movements and, above all, the people’s war. These plans suffered a defeat, because on May 1, 2014, the CPI (M-L) Naxalbari, whose spokesman Comrade Ajith was, joined the CPI(maoist), which emerged itself in 2004 at the 9th Party Congress / Unity Congress from the merge of two parties.

This merger was a great leap in the striving of the workers, peasants, and oppressed masses for a single leading center of the New Democratic Revolution. At this historic step, Comrade Ajith played a prominent role and became a member of the Central Committee of the CPI(maoist). For almost forty-five years, Comrade Ajith, who joined the revolutionary movement in 1976, has been playing an important role in it internationally and in India. He fought tirelessly against a lot of anti-Marxist deviations, he led the publication of numerous documents and periodical publications. Through his translation work, he also opened the possibility for revolutionary and anti imperialist forces of the world to gain a better understanding of the New Democratic Revolution in India. In May 2015, the rulers were able to imprison Comrade Ajith, but this imprisonment sparked an international wave of solidarity with Comrade Ajith and the People’s War in India. His imprisonment is part of the counter-revolutionary warfare against the popular masses in India, a furious blow of Hindu-fascism against the New Democratic Revolution. Those who at that time of the situation of the imprisonment began calling the party‘s unification „failed“, spreading counter-revolutionary pessimism and unprincipled criticism, turned out to be allies of the reaction. Comrade Ajith showed by his example that these forces have no ground under their feet. Even under the harsh conditions of detention, Comrade Ajith was not broken and even found methods and ways to complete a previously started translation work. Comrade Ajith’s health, who had a heart surgery a few years earlier, has severely got worse under fascist imprisonment conditions, with no provision for adequate care, torture and the toughest detention conditions have still remained intact. Comrade Ajith is due to be released on bail in the foreseeable future. But this method has been used by the ruling classes of India several times against imprisoned revolutionaries: they are released as a short-term concession to the solidarity movements on high bail from prison, only to detain them shortly after again. This approach shows that the solidarity work with the political prisoners, which is done in India and also internationally, could already develop a certain strength. The ruling classes try to confront this strength with their vicious tactics. Their action is part of the attempts to break the prisoners, part of the psychological warfare that pursues the goal of the final annihilation and murder of the revolutionaries.

These sinister plans are to be condemned with determination and all the democratic, revolutionary and anti imperialist forces of the world are resolutely opposing to them! We call to raise the loud and clear demand on the 18th of March, the International Day of Political Prisoners, for the immediate and unconditional release of Comrade Ajith! We defend Comrade Ajith, who put his whole life in the service of the CPI(maoist) and People’s War, the New Democratic Revolution. The struggle against imperialism is justified and requires international solidarity and solid support. Signatory organizations and initiatives will take up this common cause through actions in the week around March 18, setting a powerful impulse for the spread and expansion of solidarity with the People’s War in India!

Freedom for Ajith!
Freedom for all political prisoners in India!
Support the People’s War in India!
Long live international solidarity! Lal Salam!

Supporters :

Committee to Support People‘s War in India, Austria

Galician Committee to Support People’s War in India

International Committee to Support People’s War in India

Partizan Europe

Maoist Communist Party (France)

Message for the 50th anniversary of the Communist Party of the Philippines

This was read on 29th december 2018 in Utrecht,

Message for the 50th anniversary of the Communist Party of the Philippines

Dear comrades, we are gathered today to celebrate 50 years of ongoing struggle for the Communist Party of the Philippines.

This is an event of special importance, because it shows the success of genuine communists in the reconstitution of a Party in their State. It also proves that under a correct ideology and leadership, this Party can advance on the path of revolution through the ongoing People’s War against the bureaucratic-landlord State of the Philippines and its armed forces, client of imperialist powers. The Party, leading the People’s Army is advancing with the United Front for the democratic revolution and liberation from imperialism, on the path to socialism for communism.

Through our common ideology, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, we understand the struggle led by the Communist Party of the Philippines as one of great importance for communists and revolutionaries all around the world who prepare and lead the struggle to make imperialist powers crumble and to open the way for communism.

In the French State, our Party is still young, we will only celebrate the 3rd birthday of the unification of the communists in the beginning of next year. Through our more experienced comrades, our struggles of today are indubitably linked to the struggles of the past. Our beloved Comrade Pierre, who passed away a year ago, was one of the very few to always try to raise the red flag in the dark during the decades when a Communist Party was desperately lacking in the French State. His fight from 1968 to his death for the revival of communism in the State he lived in is a solid inspiration for all our young comrades. With these solid roots from decades and centuries of struggle in the French State, we hold firm on the young foundations of our Party.

Still, because we are celebrating an anniversary, and because we are a young Party, we want to underline one thing with the Communist Party of the Philippines, and that is, the protracted nature of its struggle.

In the 50 years since its reconstitution, the Communist Party of the Philippines has successfully kept fighting for revolution even when the situation seemed to be at a low point. The CPP suffered intense repression in its early years, and soon, the fascist dictatorship of the Marcos regime launched an all out extermination war on the communists. Leading the struggle, the CPP was able to turn the tide and kept a determined focus on revolution even when the dictator was eventually toppled. At the same time, revisionnists were pushing forward their counter-revolutionary agenda in Red China. The Communist Parties of the world suffered the tremendous loss of a forerunner in the struggles of the people of the world when the Red line in China was violently exterminated through a coup and mass repression by the capitalist roaders at the end of the 1970s.

Even then, the CPP stayed on course and kept struggling for complete revolution, and not conciliation with revisionism and imperialism. When errors were committed and left and right deviations were becoming apparent, the CPP launched its Second Rectification Movement, and reversed the situation. This constant practice of criticism-selfcriticism and other communist principles for rectification and development in line struggle is a testimony. A testimony that the CPP has proven itself in practice to be the vanguard of the working class in the Philippines and the leading force in the ongoing revolution.

In the current century, the CPP has kept leading the struggle in the Philippines. It has attracted young toilers and peasants to take up the fight with renewed energy and carry it to victory thanks to the experience of the Party and the People’s Army. Its efforts to extend the People’s Government and the Guerilla Fronts all over the archipelago have equipped the masses with vigorous and living means for their liberation. Its struggle against the current administration in the Governement of the Republic of the Philippines, proves once again the necessity to put this rotten state to sleep. When the State directly attacks the masses, with extermination and bombing campaigns against Lumad people in Mindanao, or with illegal mass killing and arrests of democratic rights leaders in urban mass organizations, it is only justice that the masses rally behind the leadership of the Communist Party, the only force which brings unbound resolution against the atrocities of the enemy.

That the CPP has been able to hold the struggle for revolution for 50 years is an inspiration to all communists. Through open, principled and genuine struggle for unity under Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, we want to assure our Filipino comrades of our intention to learn from this protracted struggle and to develop our understanding of the situation in the Philippines.

As a proof of our commitment to this end, we want to announce that for the first time in the French language, a selected number of works from the revolution in the Philippines will be published very soon in the French State by the red publishing house “Red Sun” in association with comrades from the PH movement. This publication will regroup the most important works that have laid out the foundations for the application of what was then Marxism-Leninism Mao Zedong Thought to the concrete conditions of the archipelago 50 years ago. Armed with Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, our universal ideology, we wish to develop and synthesize precisely the same thing, in order to uncover the laws which govern specificities of the revolution in the French State.

Long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism!

Long live proletarian internationalism!

Victory to the Protracted People’s Wars in the Philippines and in the World!

Mabuhay ang ika-50 anibersaryo ng Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas!

The Electoral Boycott for the Communists

 

The Electoral Boycott for the Communists

The year 2018 has been marked by numerous elections around the world. Italy, Sweden, Brazil, the United States, in all of these countries the communists and revolutionary forces practiced boycott at the national level. In India, Communists have called for boycotting elections in states like Telangana, and in Canada, in the province of Quebec.

Last year during the presidential election, our Party had actively participated in the Boycott 2017 campaign, which continued until the legislative elections. One year after the election of Macron, the electoral standpoint showed its impossibility to change anything.

In the rest of the world, communists are adopting the same attitude: in imperialist countries like Germany and Norway, the elections of the previous years were boycotted, and in the countries where People’s Wars were initiated and supported, in India, in the Philippines, in Turkey, in Peru or in Manipur, the Communists are banished from the elections and their partisans are hunted by the State and its military apparatus. In the case of Peru, it is even on the occasion of a vote, on May 17, 1980, that the first tactical offensive of the People’s War was initiated in Chushi: it consisted in burning the ballot boxes and denouncing the electoral system.

There is therefore a general tendency to boycott elections among the international communist forces. In this article, we will explain this position in detail. We will explain the reasons for the use of this tactic today. Through this year’s examples in Brazil, Quebec and the United States, we will show its ability to structure the revolutionary camp against the rise of fascism and revisionism. Finally, we will draw lines of demarcation with the dogmatic and idealistic usage of voting or abstaining in the bourgeois states in the epoch of imperialism, and we will link the boycott tactics to our general strategy for the revolution.

 

Brazil: active resistance against fascism

The current period is marked by a rise in forces advocating the establishment of a fascist system of government at the top of the bourgeois state. This rise is currently mainly reflected in electoral aims, and the candidates and fascist parties are taking advantage of the collapse of the false bourgeois democracies in order to become favorites in a number of electoral farces. Part of the bourgeoisie uses this situation, which it has itself created, against those who refuse to vote, and then say: “Abstentionists serve the far right.”

The elections in Brazil shows us what lies behind this false claim. The Brazilian state, a client of imperialism, has proven for a long time to the masses that nothing should be expected from it. The “moderate” parties of the compradore bourgeoisie (those who sell their own country to foreign imperialists) are discredited in the eyes of all. The corrupt administration of the “Partido dos Trabalhadores” governments, so-called reformers, continued to reveal the true face of bourgeois politicians. This PTist administration quickly revealed its comprador nature by using the state’s bureaucratic capital for its own profit. This is shown by the Petrobras case, which brought down Lula and Dilma Roussef, the main popular leaders of the PT.

In this situation, the elections that took place in October 2018 were upstream affected by numerous scandals, such as the Lula being put out of the election by the entire conservative and reactionary faction of the Brazilian bourgeois compradores and landowners. Without its standard bearer, it was certain that the PT would suffer an unprecedented setback. A setback at the level of the detestation of the people for the lies of PTism, which applied military solutions to the problem of violence in working-class neighborhoods and expelled thousands of people from their homes to organize sports events like the Football World Cup. It was under this government that 23 Brazilian revolutionaries who revolted in demonstrations against the organization of the World Cup were arrested and imprisoned.

The second particular point of the Brazilian elections of 2018 is the rise of Bolsonaro and his party, the PSL. This fascist candidate had the support of the army (his partner for the vice-presidency being a former general) and imperialist powers for which the Brazilian state is a client through financial markets. With these allies, he was sure to grab the votes of those nostalgic of military dictatorship and of all the reactionary classes of Brazil in addition to their sphere of influence. In case of defeat, Hamilton Mourão the partner of Bolsonaro had announced, a coup de force was conceivable.

In this context, the revolutionaries and the communists of Brazil practiced a boycott as a tactic of resistance against the State of the landowners and the compradores and their most reactionary fringe, the fascists. Many revolutionary mass organizations, peasant organizations, student organizations, newspapers, the women’s movement … have actively promoted this boycott in rural communities and cities. In the villages, the state had sent the military police to force the vote and discourage attempts to boycott (voting is mandatory in Brazil). In the cities, the universities were repeatedly invaded by police forces to intimidate students who displayed anti-fascist slogans and went to protest with banners that indicated “No election or military intervention” (Nem eleição, nem intervenção militar). The result in the votes, in the first round, was more than 40 million non-voters. Many actions of struggle deemed illegal by the government have developed: determined actions such as the destruction of ballot papers and ballot boxes in Brazilian villages or the formation of combat groups against the military police to ensure the safety of the masses boycotting the election.

Immediately after the first round, when Bolsonaro came firstin the votes, it was clear that the anti-fascist front would not come out of the polls, and that the rise of fascism in Brazil was already very important. The comrades redoubled their boycott, knowing well the anti-communism of Bolsonaro and were met with renewed attacks from the State. In the second round, 42 million people did not vote. Bolsonaro won the election, which means that the revolutionaries and communists of Brazil must prepare for the rise of a fascist to the presidency. This long and combative campaign of boycott prepared them to this, and showed them what the popular masses of their country were waiting for in the face of false democracy. The boycott is therefore in this case directly related to antifascism and the construction of the revolutionary movement. An electoral front would never have been able to adopt this role, since it would have come back as a way to tell the masses that the most important thing was to save a rotten system of government, which has guaranteed their misery for decades.


 

In North America: the development of a militant and antirevisionist boycott

In Canada, specifically in Quebec, as well as in the United States, two imperialist countries, the boycott was also applied in the 2018 elections. In both countries, the colonial origin of the state plays an important role.

In Quebec, a campaign of militant boycott was waged against the provincial elections, preparatory to next year’s federal election. The outcome of this campaign was a great urban celebration, the very evening of the elections. This shows that determined forces, even in the revolutionary movements in construction in the imperialist countries, can deploy spectacular actions and reach the masses through these means.

In the United States, the context was that of Donald Trump’s midterm elections. The Democrats, humiliated by their defeat in the presidential elections, pushed their campaign hard in order to have a majority in the chambers of the Congress. This meant a “leftist” pressure put forward by the Democratic Party (an imperialist party responsible for innumerable invasions, far from being an ally of “anti-fascism”). In practice, it was the revisionists and the American “social democrats” who served as useful idiots to present this campaign as an opportunity for the “socialists” of the country. In fact, the Democratic Party’s elected members of this trend are vocal defenders of US imperialism and its international allies. Their election to federal office, the highest level in the American system, is not a victory for the masses, whether they live in the United States or elsewhere. The electoral system can not bring any victory.

This truth is well understood in the United States, a country where abstention is usually massive. This poll attracted 49.6% of voters, a significant relative increase, but a very low absolute result. This means that despite the largesse of the American system (vote spread over several days with anticipated votes, electronic voting, massive incentive to vote …) more than one in two voters abstained from these elections despite the hype set up by politicians and the media.

The boycott is a tactic, subject to a general strategy of building new power

With Brazil or the United States, there are examples of electoral boycotts led by the communists during the year 2018. Does this mean that the boycott is a posture that applies at all times, and everywhere in the same way? The answer to this question is no, the boycott is not a position of absolute principle, but a tactic practiced by the communists in the false bourgeois democracies. It therefore starts from the concrete situation in the country and consists not only in refusing the electoral system but mainly in applying a political line related to the masses and the state of their organization at a given time.

In 2018, whether in semi-colonial semi-feudal countries or in imperialist countries, communist parties practice this tactic when the elections present themselves. The so-called “communist parties” which accepted the parliamentary system with open arms (like the revisionists in Nepal in the late 2000s) revealed to the masses that they were traitors and would not lift a finger for the revolutionary fight once comfortably installed in their armchairs of compradores in the parliament.

The international communist movement has, in its long history, developed a political line on the issue of elections. However, this line is often ignored in favor of a dogmatic and opportunistic uses of texts written by great theoreticians of communism. In the French state, this is the case of the revisionist forces, for example, who take part in every election, and spend a large part of their resources preparing them.

In a theoretical paper from 2016 on the elections, Lutte Ouvrière justifies for example its participation by quoting Lenin in The Infantile Disease of Communism, when he evokes in Russia between 1903 and 1917: “the various forms of the movement, legal and illegal, peaceful and stormy, clandestine and open, parliamentary and terrorist, circle and mass. ” This quote, taken out of context, refers to the fact that the Bolsheviks participated in the State Duma (Parliament) set up after the revolution of 1905 in Russia. The Duma was then a revolutionary conquest in opposition to the class forces of the Russian tsarist state (land aristocracy transforming into a monopolistic bourgeoisie) because it was mainly composed of middle bourgeois parties, petty bourgeois parties, and the proletarian party (the PSDOR of Lenin ). Several times after 1905, the Tsar personally repressed the Duma when it was in opposition to its power.

On the boycott, Lenin wrote in 1906: :  “Certainly to subordinate the campaign for the Duma to the main struggle, reserving for this campaign the second place, in anticipation of an adverse outcome or an adjournment of the battle to the day after the experience of a second Duma, – it is always, one might say, the old tactic of boycott. Formally, such a definition can be maintained, because the “preparation for the elections” – besides the always compulsory work of agitation and propaganda – is reduced to detailed material preparations; and it is very rare that they can be done long before the elections. We do not want to discuss words; but, basically, this is a consistent development of the old tactics and not its repetition, it is a deduction from the old boycott, it is not a reissue. ”
Far from upholding dogmatically the elections and overestimating the value of the Duma, he took it as a specific revolutionary conquest, a new and secondary arena of struggle in the Russian Empire of 1906, which therefore demanded a development of revolutionary tactics!

It is clear that the situation of the French state (or even of the European Union since the revisionists also want to be elected there …) today is not at all the same. In the Russian context, the participation in the elections was not a “testimony” like that of the revisionists in 2018, it was a first act of construction of the double-power. To be present in the Parliament won by the previous revolution and to be present outside Parliament to prepare the future revolution was for Lenin a way of building the new power in Russia. In the French state or in the European Union of 2018, parliaments and electoral posts are not at all revolutionary conquests. They are the middle wheels of an imperialist state and alliance belonging to this same class. So we can not treat them the same way.

To ignore that the deadlines decided by the bourgeois state are moments of struggle for our camp by eliminating them from our analysis is as much a mistake as devoting all our forces to an electoral strategy. We have many examples of these two errors, since the revisionists systematically fell for them when they gave up on the revolutionary perspective, that is to say, the strategy of seizure of power. This strategy, for the communists, is the Protracted People’s War. It leads the use of tactics in order to initiate and win the masses’ revolution for the construction of their new power against the state. In this perspective, in 2018, a tactic of boycott is part of this strategy. It must aim in all of its aspects to convince the masses that the alternative is not “Tweedledee and Tweedledum” in elections, but our power against their power, the power of the working class and the masses against the power of the bourgeoisie.

To our comrade Pierre

To our Comrade Pierre

It’s been a year since our Comrade Pierre has passed. And his presence on our side is lacking, that is certain. He would have been there in the Yellow Vests, he who had total faith in the power of the masses. He would have been on the blockades and at the very heart of the revolt because, despite his advanced age, nothing scared him. He would have said “tear gas stings a little at first but we get used to it quickly! “. He would have supported faultlessly the just revolt of today. He would have gone from demonstrations to demonstrations, from blockages to blockades. He would have fought openly, “in front the masses” as he often said, the reactionary elements present in the movement. He, who had been politicized by May 68, would have been proud to see this revolt of the working class 50 years later.

The young Comrades who have not known our Comrade Pierre too well must be inspired by the energy he has transmitted to us. An unfailing and permanent commitment to the heart of the class struggle in close connection with the masses. An absolute confidence in the popular masses to recognize their friends and fight their enemies. Our Comrade Pierre had faith in the ability of the masses to revolt, to learn in a very short time the ways of the class struggle, as happened around him on many occasions.

This personal commitment and trust in the masses do not come from nowhere. This stems from the ideology that our Comrade Pierre had made his own: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. That is the ideology of the working class around the world, the ideology of the international proletariat. All his life he has sought the correct line, seeking to deepen his knowledge of ideology, not only by studying the theory but especially by putting it to the test of practice; through a long and tireless path, to gather around him new comrades around a correct line, the line of reconstruction of a genuine Communist Party, a Maoist Communist Party.

In doing so, he swam all his life against the tide, confronted the reactionaries, participated at the international level in the reconstruction of the movement, organized young people despite the great age difference, showing them the way by going where the working class lives, works and wrestles: on the picket lines, factory occupations, at the very heart of the 2005 suburbs revolt, on the markets of the working-class neighborhoods, in the homes of young workers, in immigrant workers, in occupied dwellings…

Everywhere, in all meetings, he supported the need to build an authentic Communist Party, a Maoist Communist Party, developing in the heat of the class struggle, preparing for the People’s War, an extended process leading to the victory of the working class and the masses on the imperialist bourgeoisie. To the international comrades he met, he repeated with determination: “Build the Party!”

Today, in the revolt of the Yellow Vests, he would have been the first to go to proclaim the necessity of the Party so that this revolt turns into a revolution. And of course he would have been right.

Despite his cruel absence, this task is carried on by what he called “the succession”. Yes Comrade Pierre, every Comrade of the Party is well aware of the need to continue the fight of a lifetime: to affirm in theory and in practice the necessity of the Communist Party of today, the Maoist Communist Party. “Do not put the flag in your pocket ” as you said. Whatever the circumstances, whatever the adversity, there is only one way for the liberation of our class – and consequently of all humanity – the proletarian revolution. We therefore assume our role, in the current revolt of the Yellow Vests of course, but also in its continuity, which will necessarily take many other forms.

Camarade Pierre, présent!

Let’s continue building the Maoist Communist Party in the heat of the class struggle in close connection with the masses!

Long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, the ideology that guides our daily action!