Message for the 50th anniversary of the Communist Party of the Philippines

This was read on 29th december 2018 in Utrecht,

Message for the 50th anniversary of the Communist Party of the Philippines

Dear comrades, we are gathered today to celebrate 50 years of ongoing struggle for the Communist Party of the Philippines.

This is an event of special importance, because it shows the success of genuine communists in the reconstitution of a Party in their State. It also proves that under a correct ideology and leadership, this Party can advance on the path of revolution through the ongoing People’s War against the bureaucratic-landlord State of the Philippines and its armed forces, client of imperialist powers. The Party, leading the People’s Army is advancing with the United Front for the democratic revolution and liberation from imperialism, on the path to socialism for communism.

Through our common ideology, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, we understand the struggle led by the Communist Party of the Philippines as one of great importance for communists and revolutionaries all around the world who prepare and lead the struggle to make imperialist powers crumble and to open the way for communism.

In the French State, our Party is still young, we will only celebrate the 3rd birthday of the unification of the communists in the beginning of next year. Through our more experienced comrades, our struggles of today are indubitably linked to the struggles of the past. Our beloved Comrade Pierre, who passed away a year ago, was one of the very few to always try to raise the red flag in the dark during the decades when a Communist Party was desperately lacking in the French State. His fight from 1968 to his death for the revival of communism in the State he lived in is a solid inspiration for all our young comrades. With these solid roots from decades and centuries of struggle in the French State, we hold firm on the young foundations of our Party.

Still, because we are celebrating an anniversary, and because we are a young Party, we want to underline one thing with the Communist Party of the Philippines, and that is, the protracted nature of its struggle.

In the 50 years since its reconstitution, the Communist Party of the Philippines has successfully kept fighting for revolution even when the situation seemed to be at a low point. The CPP suffered intense repression in its early years, and soon, the fascist dictatorship of the Marcos regime launched an all out extermination war on the communists. Leading the struggle, the CPP was able to turn the tide and kept a determined focus on revolution even when the dictator was eventually toppled. At the same time, revisionnists were pushing forward their counter-revolutionary agenda in Red China. The Communist Parties of the world suffered the tremendous loss of a forerunner in the struggles of the people of the world when the Red line in China was violently exterminated through a coup and mass repression by the capitalist roaders at the end of the 1970s.

Even then, the CPP stayed on course and kept struggling for complete revolution, and not conciliation with revisionism and imperialism. When errors were committed and left and right deviations were becoming apparent, the CPP launched its Second Rectification Movement, and reversed the situation. This constant practice of criticism-selfcriticism and other communist principles for rectification and development in line struggle is a testimony. A testimony that the CPP has proven itself in practice to be the vanguard of the working class in the Philippines and the leading force in the ongoing revolution.

In the current century, the CPP has kept leading the struggle in the Philippines. It has attracted young toilers and peasants to take up the fight with renewed energy and carry it to victory thanks to the experience of the Party and the People’s Army. Its efforts to extend the People’s Government and the Guerilla Fronts all over the archipelago have equipped the masses with vigorous and living means for their liberation. Its struggle against the current administration in the Governement of the Republic of the Philippines, proves once again the necessity to put this rotten state to sleep. When the State directly attacks the masses, with extermination and bombing campaigns against Lumad people in Mindanao, or with illegal mass killing and arrests of democratic rights leaders in urban mass organizations, it is only justice that the masses rally behind the leadership of the Communist Party, the only force which brings unbound resolution against the atrocities of the enemy.

That the CPP has been able to hold the struggle for revolution for 50 years is an inspiration to all communists. Through open, principled and genuine struggle for unity under Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, we want to assure our Filipino comrades of our intention to learn from this protracted struggle and to develop our understanding of the situation in the Philippines.

As a proof of our commitment to this end, we want to announce that for the first time in the French language, a selected number of works from the revolution in the Philippines will be published very soon in the French State by the red publishing house “Red Sun” in association with comrades from the PH movement. This publication will regroup the most important works that have laid out the foundations for the application of what was then Marxism-Leninism Mao Zedong Thought to the concrete conditions of the archipelago 50 years ago. Armed with Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, our universal ideology, we wish to develop and synthesize precisely the same thing, in order to uncover the laws which govern specificities of the revolution in the French State.

Long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism!

Long live proletarian internationalism!

Victory to the Protracted People’s Wars in the Philippines and in the World!

Mabuhay ang ika-50 anibersaryo ng Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas!

The Electoral Boycott for the Communists

 

The Electoral Boycott for the Communists

The year 2018 has been marked by numerous elections around the world. Italy, Sweden, Brazil, the United States, in all of these countries the communists and revolutionary forces practiced boycott at the national level. In India, Communists have called for boycotting elections in states like Telangana, and in Canada, in the province of Quebec.

Last year during the presidential election, our Party had actively participated in the Boycott 2017 campaign, which continued until the legislative elections. One year after the election of Macron, the electoral standpoint showed its impossibility to change anything.

In the rest of the world, communists are adopting the same attitude: in imperialist countries like Germany and Norway, the elections of the previous years were boycotted, and in the countries where People’s Wars were initiated and supported, in India, in the Philippines, in Turkey, in Peru or in Manipur, the Communists are banished from the elections and their partisans are hunted by the State and its military apparatus. In the case of Peru, it is even on the occasion of a vote, on May 17, 1980, that the first tactical offensive of the People’s War was initiated in Chushi: it consisted in burning the ballot boxes and denouncing the electoral system.

There is therefore a general tendency to boycott elections among the international communist forces. In this article, we will explain this position in detail. We will explain the reasons for the use of this tactic today. Through this year’s examples in Brazil, Quebec and the United States, we will show its ability to structure the revolutionary camp against the rise of fascism and revisionism. Finally, we will draw lines of demarcation with the dogmatic and idealistic usage of voting or abstaining in the bourgeois states in the epoch of imperialism, and we will link the boycott tactics to our general strategy for the revolution.

 

Brazil: active resistance against fascism

The current period is marked by a rise in forces advocating the establishment of a fascist system of government at the top of the bourgeois state. This rise is currently mainly reflected in electoral aims, and the candidates and fascist parties are taking advantage of the collapse of the false bourgeois democracies in order to become favorites in a number of electoral farces. Part of the bourgeoisie uses this situation, which it has itself created, against those who refuse to vote, and then say: “Abstentionists serve the far right.”

The elections in Brazil shows us what lies behind this false claim. The Brazilian state, a client of imperialism, has proven for a long time to the masses that nothing should be expected from it. The “moderate” parties of the compradore bourgeoisie (those who sell their own country to foreign imperialists) are discredited in the eyes of all. The corrupt administration of the “Partido dos Trabalhadores” governments, so-called reformers, continued to reveal the true face of bourgeois politicians. This PTist administration quickly revealed its comprador nature by using the state’s bureaucratic capital for its own profit. This is shown by the Petrobras case, which brought down Lula and Dilma Roussef, the main popular leaders of the PT.

In this situation, the elections that took place in October 2018 were upstream affected by numerous scandals, such as the Lula being put out of the election by the entire conservative and reactionary faction of the Brazilian bourgeois compradores and landowners. Without its standard bearer, it was certain that the PT would suffer an unprecedented setback. A setback at the level of the detestation of the people for the lies of PTism, which applied military solutions to the problem of violence in working-class neighborhoods and expelled thousands of people from their homes to organize sports events like the Football World Cup. It was under this government that 23 Brazilian revolutionaries who revolted in demonstrations against the organization of the World Cup were arrested and imprisoned.

The second particular point of the Brazilian elections of 2018 is the rise of Bolsonaro and his party, the PSL. This fascist candidate had the support of the army (his partner for the vice-presidency being a former general) and imperialist powers for which the Brazilian state is a client through financial markets. With these allies, he was sure to grab the votes of those nostalgic of military dictatorship and of all the reactionary classes of Brazil in addition to their sphere of influence. In case of defeat, Hamilton Mourão the partner of Bolsonaro had announced, a coup de force was conceivable.

In this context, the revolutionaries and the communists of Brazil practiced a boycott as a tactic of resistance against the State of the landowners and the compradores and their most reactionary fringe, the fascists. Many revolutionary mass organizations, peasant organizations, student organizations, newspapers, the women’s movement … have actively promoted this boycott in rural communities and cities. In the villages, the state had sent the military police to force the vote and discourage attempts to boycott (voting is mandatory in Brazil). In the cities, the universities were repeatedly invaded by police forces to intimidate students who displayed anti-fascist slogans and went to protest with banners that indicated “No election or military intervention” (Nem eleição, nem intervenção militar). The result in the votes, in the first round, was more than 40 million non-voters. Many actions of struggle deemed illegal by the government have developed: determined actions such as the destruction of ballot papers and ballot boxes in Brazilian villages or the formation of combat groups against the military police to ensure the safety of the masses boycotting the election.

Immediately after the first round, when Bolsonaro came firstin the votes, it was clear that the anti-fascist front would not come out of the polls, and that the rise of fascism in Brazil was already very important. The comrades redoubled their boycott, knowing well the anti-communism of Bolsonaro and were met with renewed attacks from the State. In the second round, 42 million people did not vote. Bolsonaro won the election, which means that the revolutionaries and communists of Brazil must prepare for the rise of a fascist to the presidency. This long and combative campaign of boycott prepared them to this, and showed them what the popular masses of their country were waiting for in the face of false democracy. The boycott is therefore in this case directly related to antifascism and the construction of the revolutionary movement. An electoral front would never have been able to adopt this role, since it would have come back as a way to tell the masses that the most important thing was to save a rotten system of government, which has guaranteed their misery for decades.


 

In North America: the development of a militant and antirevisionist boycott

In Canada, specifically in Quebec, as well as in the United States, two imperialist countries, the boycott was also applied in the 2018 elections. In both countries, the colonial origin of the state plays an important role.

In Quebec, a campaign of militant boycott was waged against the provincial elections, preparatory to next year’s federal election. The outcome of this campaign was a great urban celebration, the very evening of the elections. This shows that determined forces, even in the revolutionary movements in construction in the imperialist countries, can deploy spectacular actions and reach the masses through these means.

In the United States, the context was that of Donald Trump’s midterm elections. The Democrats, humiliated by their defeat in the presidential elections, pushed their campaign hard in order to have a majority in the chambers of the Congress. This meant a “leftist” pressure put forward by the Democratic Party (an imperialist party responsible for innumerable invasions, far from being an ally of “anti-fascism”). In practice, it was the revisionists and the American “social democrats” who served as useful idiots to present this campaign as an opportunity for the “socialists” of the country. In fact, the Democratic Party’s elected members of this trend are vocal defenders of US imperialism and its international allies. Their election to federal office, the highest level in the American system, is not a victory for the masses, whether they live in the United States or elsewhere. The electoral system can not bring any victory.

This truth is well understood in the United States, a country where abstention is usually massive. This poll attracted 49.6% of voters, a significant relative increase, but a very low absolute result. This means that despite the largesse of the American system (vote spread over several days with anticipated votes, electronic voting, massive incentive to vote …) more than one in two voters abstained from these elections despite the hype set up by politicians and the media.

The boycott is a tactic, subject to a general strategy of building new power

With Brazil or the United States, there are examples of electoral boycotts led by the communists during the year 2018. Does this mean that the boycott is a posture that applies at all times, and everywhere in the same way? The answer to this question is no, the boycott is not a position of absolute principle, but a tactic practiced by the communists in the false bourgeois democracies. It therefore starts from the concrete situation in the country and consists not only in refusing the electoral system but mainly in applying a political line related to the masses and the state of their organization at a given time.

In 2018, whether in semi-colonial semi-feudal countries or in imperialist countries, communist parties practice this tactic when the elections present themselves. The so-called “communist parties” which accepted the parliamentary system with open arms (like the revisionists in Nepal in the late 2000s) revealed to the masses that they were traitors and would not lift a finger for the revolutionary fight once comfortably installed in their armchairs of compradores in the parliament.

The international communist movement has, in its long history, developed a political line on the issue of elections. However, this line is often ignored in favor of a dogmatic and opportunistic uses of texts written by great theoreticians of communism. In the French state, this is the case of the revisionist forces, for example, who take part in every election, and spend a large part of their resources preparing them.

In a theoretical paper from 2016 on the elections, Lutte Ouvrière justifies for example its participation by quoting Lenin in The Infantile Disease of Communism, when he evokes in Russia between 1903 and 1917: “the various forms of the movement, legal and illegal, peaceful and stormy, clandestine and open, parliamentary and terrorist, circle and mass. ” This quote, taken out of context, refers to the fact that the Bolsheviks participated in the State Duma (Parliament) set up after the revolution of 1905 in Russia. The Duma was then a revolutionary conquest in opposition to the class forces of the Russian tsarist state (land aristocracy transforming into a monopolistic bourgeoisie) because it was mainly composed of middle bourgeois parties, petty bourgeois parties, and the proletarian party (the PSDOR of Lenin ). Several times after 1905, the Tsar personally repressed the Duma when it was in opposition to its power.

On the boycott, Lenin wrote in 1906: :  “Certainly to subordinate the campaign for the Duma to the main struggle, reserving for this campaign the second place, in anticipation of an adverse outcome or an adjournment of the battle to the day after the experience of a second Duma, – it is always, one might say, the old tactic of boycott. Formally, such a definition can be maintained, because the “preparation for the elections” – besides the always compulsory work of agitation and propaganda – is reduced to detailed material preparations; and it is very rare that they can be done long before the elections. We do not want to discuss words; but, basically, this is a consistent development of the old tactics and not its repetition, it is a deduction from the old boycott, it is not a reissue. ”
Far from upholding dogmatically the elections and overestimating the value of the Duma, he took it as a specific revolutionary conquest, a new and secondary arena of struggle in the Russian Empire of 1906, which therefore demanded a development of revolutionary tactics!

It is clear that the situation of the French state (or even of the European Union since the revisionists also want to be elected there …) today is not at all the same. In the Russian context, the participation in the elections was not a “testimony” like that of the revisionists in 2018, it was a first act of construction of the double-power. To be present in the Parliament won by the previous revolution and to be present outside Parliament to prepare the future revolution was for Lenin a way of building the new power in Russia. In the French state or in the European Union of 2018, parliaments and electoral posts are not at all revolutionary conquests. They are the middle wheels of an imperialist state and alliance belonging to this same class. So we can not treat them the same way.

To ignore that the deadlines decided by the bourgeois state are moments of struggle for our camp by eliminating them from our analysis is as much a mistake as devoting all our forces to an electoral strategy. We have many examples of these two errors, since the revisionists systematically fell for them when they gave up on the revolutionary perspective, that is to say, the strategy of seizure of power. This strategy, for the communists, is the Protracted People’s War. It leads the use of tactics in order to initiate and win the masses’ revolution for the construction of their new power against the state. In this perspective, in 2018, a tactic of boycott is part of this strategy. It must aim in all of its aspects to convince the masses that the alternative is not “Tweedledee and Tweedledum” in elections, but our power against their power, the power of the working class and the masses against the power of the bourgeoisie.

To our comrade Pierre

To our Comrade Pierre

It’s been a year since our Comrade Pierre has passed. And his presence on our side is lacking, that is certain. He would have been there in the Yellow Vests, he who had total faith in the power of the masses. He would have been on the blockades and at the very heart of the revolt because, despite his advanced age, nothing scared him. He would have said “tear gas stings a little at first but we get used to it quickly! “. He would have supported faultlessly the just revolt of today. He would have gone from demonstrations to demonstrations, from blockages to blockades. He would have fought openly, “in front the masses” as he often said, the reactionary elements present in the movement. He, who had been politicized by May 68, would have been proud to see this revolt of the working class 50 years later.

The young Comrades who have not known our Comrade Pierre too well must be inspired by the energy he has transmitted to us. An unfailing and permanent commitment to the heart of the class struggle in close connection with the masses. An absolute confidence in the popular masses to recognize their friends and fight their enemies. Our Comrade Pierre had faith in the ability of the masses to revolt, to learn in a very short time the ways of the class struggle, as happened around him on many occasions.

This personal commitment and trust in the masses do not come from nowhere. This stems from the ideology that our Comrade Pierre had made his own: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. That is the ideology of the working class around the world, the ideology of the international proletariat. All his life he has sought the correct line, seeking to deepen his knowledge of ideology, not only by studying the theory but especially by putting it to the test of practice; through a long and tireless path, to gather around him new comrades around a correct line, the line of reconstruction of a genuine Communist Party, a Maoist Communist Party.

In doing so, he swam all his life against the tide, confronted the reactionaries, participated at the international level in the reconstruction of the movement, organized young people despite the great age difference, showing them the way by going where the working class lives, works and wrestles: on the picket lines, factory occupations, at the very heart of the 2005 suburbs revolt, on the markets of the working-class neighborhoods, in the homes of young workers, in immigrant workers, in occupied dwellings…

Everywhere, in all meetings, he supported the need to build an authentic Communist Party, a Maoist Communist Party, developing in the heat of the class struggle, preparing for the People’s War, an extended process leading to the victory of the working class and the masses on the imperialist bourgeoisie. To the international comrades he met, he repeated with determination: “Build the Party!”

Today, in the revolt of the Yellow Vests, he would have been the first to go to proclaim the necessity of the Party so that this revolt turns into a revolution. And of course he would have been right.

Despite his cruel absence, this task is carried on by what he called “the succession”. Yes Comrade Pierre, every Comrade of the Party is well aware of the need to continue the fight of a lifetime: to affirm in theory and in practice the necessity of the Communist Party of today, the Maoist Communist Party. “Do not put the flag in your pocket ” as you said. Whatever the circumstances, whatever the adversity, there is only one way for the liberation of our class – and consequently of all humanity – the proletarian revolution. We therefore assume our role, in the current revolt of the Yellow Vests of course, but also in its continuity, which will necessarily take many other forms.

Camarade Pierre, présent!

Let’s continue building the Maoist Communist Party in the heat of the class struggle in close connection with the masses!

Long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, the ideology that guides our daily action!

Revolutionary greetings to the Maoist Communist Party of Manipur from the PCM on the occasion of the September Celebrations for Comrade Irabot in Manipur

Revolutionary greetings to the Maoist Communist Party of Manipur from the PCM on the occasion of the September Celebrations for Comrade Irabot in Manipur

This message was published in the revolutionary press in Manipur in late September.

Dear comrades from Manipur, dear comrades from the rest of the world.

This is a message from the Parti Communiste Maoïste/Maoist Communist Party, from the French State.
First of all, we address our most sincere red and revolutionary salutes to all the comrades present today as it is these events which show the profound meaning of proletarian internationalism. We wish for this venue to bring the International Communist Movement closer to the reconstitution of an International Organization forged in the two-line struggle for unity.

Here in the French State, the situation of the class struggle corresponds to the one of most of the old imperialist countries. The French State, an imperialist state, oppresses the people in its direct colonies and in its semi-colonies all over the world. Its new leader as of 2017, Macron, has made sure to operate a strengthening of French dominance in Africa for example, following the path of his predecessors. The dirty wars fought by the French imperialists in the last few years include Libya, Syria or Mali, and aim at defending or expanding the influence of French imperialism in these countries. The relationship of the French imperialist state with the Indian state include recent agreements to sell French military aircraft (Rafale) to the Indian military.
As communists from an imperialist state, it is our duty to denounce it and its crimes against the peoples of the world with the loudest and clearest voice.

Inside the French state, the class contradiction is deepening. Macron’s gouvernment, in only one year of political power, has been increasing its attacks on the people through reforms and laws directed at the dissolution of the last remnants of social-democracy and trade-union victories from the past century. More and more people are being thrown in the proletariat and the false promise of class elevation has now withered away. Mass movements and demonstrations have been the answers to these reforms, but the old organizations leading them have long ago become social-democrat and revisionist strongholds, making them unable to make any gains from these mobilizations.
As communists, our work is to merge with the deepest and broadest masses of our state and to help them forge the party, the combating force and the united front by adapting the strategy of Protracted People’s War to our specific conditions. It is with this mission in mind that we undertake all our actions in the proletariat and masses from the French State. Our efforts have currently identified the proletarian youth, the proletarian women and the working-class as the three major sectors of the masses from which to build revolutionary organizations.

Through its constant restructuring of the State apparatus in the last 50 years, the French monopoly bourgeoisie and its politicians lackeys have enabled the rise of fascism again. Despite pretending to combat it, the whole bourgeoisie is becoming more and more sympathetic to this rise of fascism and lets fascist groups develop. In addition, the strengthening of surveillance laws and police attributions in the French State is to be noted. In reaction to the impunity of policemen who committed crimes against the people such as murder or rape, mass movements have emerged in the last few years from the masses to address this issue, deeply related to the racist character of the current imperialist society. As communists, we work as anti-fascists to unmask the state reforms for what they really are, that is, paving stones on the way to fascism. We work as anti-fascists to stop fascists groups from taking ground in our communities and to expel them completely from our neighbourhoods.

Finally as communists, our work is directed towards worldwide revolution. As the proletariat is an international class, so are its organizations, grounded in proletarian internationalism. We want to assure you, comrades, of our commitment to learn from your struggle in Manipur and from the struggle of the comrades worldwide, and we hope to share our insights grasped from practice in all the occasions that will see our paths cross. We salute the great initiative of this event and wish for it to be a great success.

Red Salutes! Saluts Rouges!

From the Parti Communiste Maoïste/Maoist Communist Party

Centenary of the October Revolution: Let’s raise the red flag again!

Translation by Redspark

One hundred years ago the Great Socialist Revolution of October broke out – a thunderbolt in the middle of the First World War, an inter-imperialist war that led to the killing of the peoples of Europe for the interests of the various imperialist bourgeoisies wanting to divide the world’s wealth. It was in the midst of this war that the peoples of Russia lifted the red banner to reject the imperialist war and to overthrow tsarism and capitalism. The peoples of Russia led by Lenin’s Bolshevik Party turned their rifles against their exploiters and established the first socialist state in the world. They have shown to the proletarians of the world that it is not only possible to fight, even in the midst of the turmoil of the First World War, but that it is also possible to win and that this is the only answer the proletariat could give to the imperialist war.

This event has international significance. It showed the way to the proletariat and the oppressed peoples of Europe and the world. From the outset it made the bourgeoisie of Europe tremble, and they did everything, in vain, to crush this revolution which they feared would spread in the rest of Europe.

The Paris Commune in 1871, called the first dictatorship of the proletariat by Karl Marx, had already been a great victory for the international labor movement. The people of Paris chased the bourgeoisie to Versailles and had for three months organized its own power before being brutally massacred during the Bloody Week. It is from this experience that Karl Marx and then Lenin and the Bolsheviks learned valuable lessons to realize in their time the October Revolution, the work of the toiling masses of Russia.

The international significance of this event resonates as much in 1917 as today, one hundred years later in 2017. From the October Revolution the international proletariat has drawn immense lessons that still have an implacable validity today. Thus we affirm that celebrating the October Revolution should not be the result of nostalgia for an outdated era, nor should it be something folkloric, reduced to symbols of the past. To celebrate the Great Socialist Revolution of October is to grasp as firmly as possible its heritage to make it live today, to put it at the service of the proletariat — that is to say, to fight for socialist revolution today. Thus to celebrate the October Revolution is to study it in order to extract the universal aspects from the particular aspects (linked to historical circumstances). Each proletarian revolution contains a lot of universally valid lessons for the international communist movement, and the October Revolution has provided some of the most important lessons, along with the Revolution in China in 1949 and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.

Studying the October Revolution is not limited to the final insurrection that led to the capture of the Winter Palace, the imperial palace and symbol of tsarism. To study the October Revolution is to study the whole period preceding the seizure of power by the Social Democratic Labor Party of Russia, through the Bourgeois Revolution of 1905 and of February 1917. It is to study the mode of organization of the Bolsheviks, the ideological struggle which they carried out, and the conquests made on this plane. It is also to study what happened after the Revolution, the civil war and the construction of socialism that continued until the beginning of the restoration of capitalism in 1956.

 

Today, we must raise again the red flag of proletarian revolution!

Today again, as there are no more socialist countries, the need for a world socialist revolution is felt everywhere.

Today, the ten largest capitalist groups make more money than the 180 “poorest” countries. Capital has never been as concentrated as it is today, inequalities have never been so great, and the world has never known so many proletarians as today. 147 companies, extremely interconnected by cross-shareholdings, represent 40% of the world’s wealth and in this list the ten most interconnected are financial groups (among them, the French group AXA).

The statistics produced by Oxfam in 2015 once again revealed the incredible level of inequality in the world, with the richest 1% possessing more than 99% of the world’s population possess. While global wealth has never been greater, it has also never been so concentrated. A tiny minority, the parasitic class of the financial bourgeoisie, shares the profits and superprofits generated by proletarians around the world who face exploitation and oppression. As a result, under-nutrition and malnutrition as well as lack of access to safe drinking water continue to kill millions of people. In the world every year, capitalist exploitation causes more than two million deaths from work-related accidents. The destruction of the environment, i.e. the capitalist ecocide, causes immense damage to the health of millions of people every day; an incalculable number of workers are victims of industrial diseases, especially in the oppressed countries. Similarly, millions of people do not have access to education, do not have access to healthcare, nor to decent housing (we are talking about nearly a billion people living in slums) …

Regarding the situation in France, in 10 years there will be more than 600,000 additional poor folks according to official definitions. There are more than 6.7 million people unemployed. According to the Abbé Pierre Foundation, poor housing conditions affect 4 million people and more than 12 million people are in a “situation of fragility” with their housing (rent representing a 56% burden on the household incomes of the most poor), more than 140,000 people have no homes, and evictions with recourse to the police force more than doubled in15 years. At the same time there are nearly 3 million empty dwellings. While today the CAC 40 records record profits, workers know an increasing precarity with a Macron government on a war footing against social rights, and the XXL Labor Law pursuing and amplifying the anti-worker and anti-people PS [Socialist Party] government. In the face of these attacks on the working class, of course, the government makes gifts to the rich, for instance with the removal of the ISF [Solidarity Tax on Wealth] all the while reinforcing the repressive arsenal of the state.

We have attempted here to draw a very brief account of the situation in the world and in France. To understand these inequalities, to understand why they have only worsened and can only worsen without a socialist revolution, we must understand what capitalism is and what imperialism is, the origins of exploitation and misery that we find today in the world.

Lenin in Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (1916), defined for the first time what imperialism and its five fundamental characteristics were, the first of which led to the four others being “the concentration of production and capital reached a degree of development so high that it created the monopolies, whose role is decisive in economic life”. By entering its imperialist phase, capitalism moves from liberal capitalism (where competition prevails between firms) to monopoly capitalism (where large monopoly groups formed around banks control most of the economy). Imperialism has divided the world in two: between imperialist countries (of which France is a part as well as today the United States, China or Russia for example) and the oppressed countries. The imperialist countries are the ones from which the big monopolies come; the latter need to export their capital to the oppressed countries to maintain their rate of profit. As the division of the world between the imperialists is already complete, the imperialists must use war to monopolize parts of the market, that is, to gain domination over oppressed countries. Thus the First World War was the consequence of imperialism, just as today the wars in Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq etc. are the consequences of imperialism.

Lenin also teaches us that imperialism is the phase of capitalism in decay. In the time of imperialism, capitalism is moribund and the situation is ripe for the proletarian revolution. The three fundamental contradictions at the time of imperialism are: between imperialist powers and oppressed nations, between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, and between the imperialist powers themselves (inter-imperialist contradiction). The October Revolution broke out in a weak link among the imperialist countries (Russia was then a backward capitalist country) opening the era of the world socialist revolution and the struggles for national liberation, an era in which we are still today. And we see that today these three fundamental contradictions of imperialism only sharpen more and more, everywhere in the world.

So we see the importance of the October Revolution not only in its time but still today. The October Revolution opened a breach against the world imperialist system and from this first breach we inherited many lessons.

The great legacy of the October Revolution

To study the legacy of the October Revolution is to study the gains made by the proletariat and the peoples of Russia in their struggle against tsarism and capitalism and in their struggle for the construction of socialism. These struggles were carried out under the leadership of the Bolshevik Communist Party and were synthesized in Leninism, the second milestone of Marxism, which Leninism develops in its three fundamental components: scientific socialism, Marxist political economy, and dialectical and historical materialism.

We present here some important lessons learned from the October Revolution; this does not exhaust all we can learn from the experience of the Bolsheviks, it is only to present some important conclusions which are still invaluable in our struggle for socialism. To study this subject in greater depth, we invite you to consult the latest issue of Drapeau Rouge, the theoretical organ of the PCM, devoted to the Centenary of the October Revolution.

A Party to lead the Revolution

The struggle of the Bolsheviks gave to the proletariat a precious tool in the conquest of power against the ruling class: the Party of a new type as theorized by Lenin. The Party of a new type is the form taken by the vanguard of the proletariat to lead the revolution.

When we speak of the vanguard of the proletariat we are not referring to an enlightened minority of intellectuals cut off from the masses who would like to impose their theory on the people. The vanguard of the proletariat is the most advanced and determined elements, those who have the highest degree of ideological and political awareness and who are ready to give themselves entirely to the revolution. The proletariat is objectively the revolutionary class as it is the class which leads the socialist revolution and it is the class that in freeing itself will free all the other classes; it is through the proletariat that class division is done with. This does not mean, however, that in the proletarian class every person is revolutionary. Class consciousness must develop in order for the proletariat to become aware of its interests as a class, and this development proceeds in an uneven manner. In the working class, therefore, we find communist workers and reactionary workers, the former are advanced elements while the others are backward elements in terms of class consciousness.

The Party must therefore bring together the advanced elements because they are the ones who direct and lead the revolution. Party members are forged in the fire of class struggle and ideological struggle. The Party of a new type is a party for making revolution, thus it must be strong enough to overthrow the bourgeoisie. It therefore needs iron unity and iron discipline. The Party’s organizational principle is that of democratic centralism. This simply means that before a decision is taken the debate is open so that the struggle between two lines can be short and the correct line can be adopted; but once adopted, everyone, regardless of their individual position, must implement the decision. If the decision leads to failure a criticism must be made to rectify.

The Party of a new type, Lenin tells us, is the general staff of the proletariat. It must have an overview of the situation to make the right decisions and it must be relentless to face down repression and lead the revolution to its conclusion.

This Party of a new type is still the kind of Party the proletariat needs today. How can one overthrow the ruling class, its army, its police forces and its government without having a Party prepared to do so? Determined and disciplined activists are needed, who link theory and practice, and who become increasingly connected to the masses. It is the Party that gives the structure to form such activists, to form combatants and revolutionary fighters.

Mao deepens the question of the Party and deepens the question of two-line struggle and its manifestations as well as the question of the mass line and the necessity of the three instruments to make the revolution: the Party, the United Front and, and the People’s Army.

The dictatorship of the proletariat and the construction of socialism

Lenin on the question of the State starts from where Marx left off with his important conclusions from the experience of the Paris Commune of 1871. Marx clearly defined the Paris Commune as the first example of the dictatorship of the proletariat. In his book The Civil War in France, by analyzing the Paris Commune, Marx draws a conclusion of universal validity for the proletariat: we cannot be content to take over the ready-made state machine and turn it to our purposes. One must destroy it from top to bottom. It is therefore a question of completely destroying the old bourgeois state to build a new one, a socialist state under the dictatorship of the proletariat. In The State and the Revolution, the most important Marxist text on the question of the state, Lenin explains that the state is always a class instrument, that the purest of the bourgeois parliamentary democracies remains a dictatorship of capital and against this state, the dictatorship of the proletariat will therefore always be infinitely more democratic.

This is opposed to all the electoral illusions that say one could take over the state by elections and suddenly direct it on behalf of the working class. As Marx and Lenin have asserted, and as the history of the class struggle has always shown, the only way to overthrow the ruling class is through violent revolution to strip it of power and to establish by force a new power, a proletarian power.

After the seizure of power, the Bolsheviks and the popular masses had to struggle to build socialism for the first time. It was first necessary to defend at all costs the revolution against the whites who, aided through imperialist intervention, wanted to restore the monarchy. The construction of socialism in the USSR lasted up to the 1950s and provided rich lessons for communists around the world. As the first socialist state in the world, the Bolsheviks did not have any manual to follow or experience on which to rest (except that of the Paris Commune), and so errors were thus necessary in order to learn. It is based on the experience of the USSR, in analyzing it critically, that Mao will deepen the question of the construction of socialism in China, rectifying important mistakes made in the USSR, especially apropos the relationship between heavy and light industry, the transformation of social relations through the transformation of consciousness, the continuation of the class struggle under socialism, etc.

In the light of the experience of the revolution and the construction of socialism in the USSR and China, it is clear that the dictatorship of the proletariat in France will necessarily take different forms. We draw important lessons from these two revolutions concerning the construction of socialism and we must put these lessons at the service of the construction of socialism in the concrete conditions of our country.

The fight against revisionism and opportunism

“Without revolutionary theory, no revolutionary practice,” says Lenin. And how is revolutionary theory established? In the heat of the class struggle, in the struggle for socialism and thus through its base in revolutionary practice. If the October Revolution was victorious in constructing the first socialist state in the world, it was because it was based on a strong, effective and tested revolutionary theory. A revolutionary theory which is synthesized in Leninism, the second stage of Marxism which went on to serve as an example to the proletariat and oppressed peoples of the whole world. This revolutionary theory, which allowed the victory of the socialist revolution in Russia and the construction of socialism, was forged in a constant struggle against revisionism and opportunism. That is, Leninism was forged in a struggle against those who rejected or distorted the basic principles of Marxism. It was an unfailing defense of Marxism against any deviation from the right or so-called “left”.

This was particularly evident in Lenin’s struggle against the social-chauvinists who, at the outbreak of the First World War, took their stand behind the bourgeoisie of each country, thus systematically betraying the interests of the proletariat. This was manifested in Lenin’s struggle against Kautsky’s and Bernstein’s erroneous conceptions which led to legalism, reformism, class conciliation, and thus to social-chauvinism. This struggle marked the end of the Second International and the creation of the Third International grounded firmly against opportunism and revisionism. This struggle was carried forward by Stalin against right-wing and “left-wing” opportunists such as Trotsky, Bukharin, and Zinoviev who all one way or another considered the construction of socialism impossible in the USSR.

This struggle against revisionism and opportunism was continued and deepened by the communists in China with their struggle against the modern revisionists who advocated and implemented the restoration of capitalism in the socialist countries such as Khrushchev in the USSR and Liu Shaoqi in China. This struggle is one of the basic principles that every communist must take up with the slogan “in defend Marxism, fight against revisionism”. It is a constant struggle, one that does not stop until the establishment of communism.

Today this struggle manifests itself both in the struggle against the old revisionists–the communist pseudo-parties having completely reconverted themselves into social-chauvinist and reformist parties such as the PCF–and in the struggle against Trotskyist revisionism, unable to unite the communist movement and carrying with it only failure. But this struggle must also take a particularly acute form against the highest forms of revisionism. What is the highest form of revisionism? It is revisionism that attacks the Marxism of our time, that is to say Maoism, so these are the false Maoists, people who call themselves Maoist in words but who are revisionist in deed. This is the case with prachandism that ended the People’s War and its achievements in Nepal; this is the case with Bob Avakian and his so-called “new synthesis”; this is the case with all those who reject Maoism as the new, third, and higher stage of Marxism.

The fight for the liberation of women

Socialist women played a crucial role in the October Socialist Revolution. From the start they contributed to the construction of socialism and the struggle against tsarism and capitalism. They proved by establishing their own organizations that what men can do, women can do as well.

The October Revolution teaches us that revolution cannot be complete and cannot achieve its goal without women’s participation. Lenin declares that “The success of a revolution depends upon the degree of participation by women”. The proletariat cannot be liberated if women are not freed from patriarchal oppression at the same time. And vice versa as well: a complete liberation from patriarchy cannot take place without ending the class division of society, and this can only be accomplished by overthrowing capitalism.

With the October Revolution, a new era opened up for women in Russia. They conquered through the struggle many new rights, gaining legal equality with men. Nevertheless, the legal framework is not everything and it is the practice and the movement of women itself for their emancipation that is central.

Lenin explains this clearly:

“Laws alone, of course, are not enough, and we are by no means content with mere decrees.
In the sphere of legislation, however, we have done everything required to put women in a position of equality and we have every right to be proud of it.
The position of women in Soviet Russia is ideal as compared with their position in the most advanced states. We tell ourselves, however, that this is, of course, only the beginning.

Woman as a house worker is still oppressed.
To effect her complete emancipation and make her the equal of the man it is necessary for the national economy to be socialised and for women to participate in common productive labour.
Then women will occupy the same position as men.”

The Tasks Of The Working Women’s Movement In The Soviet Republic, September 22, 1919

“We say that the emancipation of the workers must be effected by the workers themselves, and in exactly the same way the emancipation of working women is a matter for working women themselves.”

The Tasks Of The Working Women’s Movement In The Soviet Republic, September 22, 1919

In the USSR, women’s rights, as well as the role of women in society in general, were considerably advanced compared to the capitalist countries. It is notably in the USSR that the 8th of March, the International Women’s Day, became a vacation day and was officially celebrated for the first time. Nevertheless, despite the advances, many setbacks would also take place later which cannot be neglected.

The question of women would be raised to a higher level during the construction of socialism in China where women waged an uncompromising struggle against patriarchy to participate fully in the construction of socialism.

Today, to be a communist is necessarily to defend and by all means to apply revolutionary proletarian feminism.

To be a Marxist today is to be a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist!

We have seen how invaluable the legacy of the October Revolution is in guiding us on the revolutionary path today. The revisionists and opportunists always take only what they want from the legacy of the October Revolution by pretending that the great principles that emerged from it were done in particular and historical conditions, thus liquidating the concept of violent revolution, dictatorship of the proletariat, or democratic centralism. The communists do not deny an iota of this legacy and fully take it up it to apply it to the concrete conditions we face today, seeking thus to seriously advance towards the socialist revolution.

Nevertheless, the construction of socialism in the USSR, as previously stated, was a historical first – it therefore had its share of errors and limitations due to it historical circumstances. The Revolution in China succeeded in passing beyond these limits, as the Chinese Communist Party under the leadership of Mao Zedong brought important victories to the proletariat in the struggle for socialism and took a new step forward with Maoism, the third stage of Marxism. Among these new contributions to Marxism, we must note the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution to prevent capitalist restoration, as took place in the USSR; we must note the theorization of bureaucratic capitalism and the need for the New Democratic Revolution in oppressed countries as a necessary step towards socialism; there is the deepening of the dialectic with the unity of opposites as the fundamental law of the dialectic from which all the other principles derive; there is also the prolonged people’s war as a military strategy of the international proletariat.

No Marxist today can ignore Maoism as the third stage of Marxism after Leninism. No one can stop history at Leninism and pretend that nothing happened afterwards; to act in this way is to practice revisionism and not Marxism. To be Marxist, to be Leninist, also means to be Maoist.

One can not grasp Lenin’s legacy without grasping Mao’s legacy. To be a Marxist today, to be a communist, is to be a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist.

To continue on the path of the October Revolution today is to develop the revolution in our country, it is to build a Party of a new type by applying the Marxism of our time, that is Maoism, endowed with the universal strategy of proletariat: protracted people’s war. Those who continue on the path of the October Revolution today are the Communist Parties leading People’s Wars, such as those in India, Philippines, Turkey or Peru. These are the ones who everywhere rebuild Communist Parties on the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as a militarized Party and prepare the Protracted People’s War, according to the conditions of their country.

In the French state, to continue on the path of the October Revolution means to join and strengthen the Maoist Communist Party to advance towards the Protracted People’s War!

Long live the Centenary of the Great October Revolution!

Long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism!