Freedom for Georges Abdallah and all political prisoners!

The date of the demonstration to demand the liberation of Georges Ibrahim Abdallah was decided to be move closer to the date of 19 June, the International Day of Revolutionary Prisoners. This date was not chosen at random, it coincides with the 19 June 1986 when more than 300 prisoners of the Communist Party of Peru were cowardly murdered by the Peruvian reactionary state. The Communist Party of Peru had put the Peruvian State on the brink of collapse, it pursued a People’s War that had come closer to the seizure of power with strategic equilibrium. Against it great vitality, the Peruvian government therefore had a genuine policy of genocide in prisons. Even today as Chairman Gonzalo of the Communist Party of Peru is locked up we have the duty to defend his life.

Each time that the proletariat and the oppressed peoples’ resist and struggle, they are violently repressed by the reactionary states. This is the case in countries where the Communist Parties, based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, are waging people’s wars to achieve the New Democratic Revolution against imperialism, bureaucratic capitalism and feudalism. Thus, in India, where the most developed People’s War takes place, there are more than 10,000 political prisoners, including Professor Saibaba, a progressive intellectual with a disability of 90%, who has been locked down regularly since 2013 by the Indian state. In the Philippines, more than 500 political prisoners are being held as hostages of the Duterte government.

Wherever the people rose up, repression was not long in coming: whether it was in Palestine, Turkey or Morocco. Here we would like to salute the Palestinian political prisoners and their victorious hunger strike. We also wish to salute the popular masses of the Rif who are rising in Morocco and we would like to pay tribute to the twelve martyrs of the TIKKO who fell last year. This repression of the oppressed peoples even extends to the political refugees in the imperialist countries as the prisoners of the ATIK arrested in 2014.

As communists, our primary duty is to fight against our own imperialism and therefore to develop the revolution, the proletarian movement in our own country, to strike at French imperialism. We must also confront it with the internal reaction: the French imperialist state represses within the very heart of France in the popular neighborhoods which constitute the bastion of the proletariat. So the police killed: more than ten years ago, Zyed and Bouna, but also in the last year Adama Traoré, Jean-Pierre Ferrara, Shaoyo Liu, Angelo Garand, Curtis and the list continues to lengthen. And it is during the summer that police violence explodes in the neighborhoods. At the same time, the French government is increasingly attacking workers’ rights, such as the Labor Reform last year and the ordinances that Macron is preparing for the summer.

To support and defend the revolutionary prisoners and political prisoners is to support the struggles they carry, to support the proletarian world revolution, to fight against imperialism and its military interventions, to support everywhere the struggles of the proletariat and of the oppressed peoples.

Freedom for Georges Abadallah! Down with French imperialism!

Long live the struggle of the Palestinian people! Down with Zionism!

Freedom for all revolutionary prisoners! Down with the world imperialist system!

Long live the World Proletarian Revolution!

Source : http://www.pcmaoist

Paris Agreement and the Question of Ecology

Donald Trump, president of the world’s leading economic power, announced that, in accordance with his campaign pledge, his country would withdraw from the Paris climate agreement negotiated at the “COP21”. The agreement, which is supposed to be aimed to fight against global warming by limiting greenhouse gases in particular, was presented by the various signatory countries as a great ecological advance.

Yet this agreement was not even binding: it was a commitment based on good will, a totally abstract concept in international relations, where each country was supposed to do its best, without sanctions in case of failure. Relations between bourgeois states are based on power relations.

International reactions have of course been very negative, with China, Russia and most European countries condemning the decision of the United States. Yet, is the Paris agreement the central point of safeguarding the planet? Does this agreement save the seas affected by pollution and overfishing? Does it foresee nuclear replacement? Does this agreement address the issue of deforestation, protecting biodiversity, ensuring water quality? Of course not. This is an agreement in principle, which allows today imperialist countries to present themselves as defenders of the Earth, even though they contribute every day to devastate the environment, and thus to degrade our conditions of life.

The bourgeois vision of ecology

Let us recall that the ecological question has arrived in the public debate of the Western countries from the 80s. This is a recent question, taken very unequally by the masses. The self-proclaimed representatives of ecology in France are linked to the progressive petty bourgeoisie: it is the Greens now allied with Europe Ecologie. These parties have long made the choice to serve as auxiliaries to the Socialist Party.

A part of the bourgeoisie has not escaped this trend. They needs to present themselves as modern and to occupy this new market – as green energies or organic food, for example, are extremely profitable markets. But while the ecological question is a global issue, the borders being of no importance here, this “green” part of the bourgeoisie has produced a vision of harmful ecology, incapable of answering today’s problems. This bourgeois ecology is centered around two themes:

  • Delegation. Ecology should be left to the scientists, technicians, competent politicians, it would be a field too “serious” to truly mobilize the people on these issues. This creates a real class contempt: the masses would be insensitive to ecological questions, idiots, would eat badly voluntarily, dress themselves through the most inhumane industries, and so on.
  • Moralism. Logically, this class contempt produces a moralistic ecology, in which each person is responsible for his behavior: it is the hummingbird theory, putting our food, clothing, transport choices at the center of the process, in short, our life choices. As if the deforestation or the destruction of the oceans could be regulated once every human being would have understood that it was necessary to close the tap while brushing your teeth.

Thus it is easy to understand that salvation is not to be sought from this side. Worse, this conception of ecology is disastrous, diverting legitimate anger towards individual and abstract problems and refusing to take the measure of danger.

The materialist ecology

For us communists, each question must be posed on the basis of a materialist reading of the world. We consider that ideas do not produce facts, but ideas arise from material facts. Our materialism is opposed to their idealism.

Why does Donald Trump reject the Paris agreement, going against the advice of major US business leaders? It can be seen at once that the reductive discourses about the capitalist villains or on the aggressive dimension of the president are not useful in explaining this choice.

What are the facts? Donald Trump represents the confrontation of two lines within the US bourgeoisie: economic isolationism rather than strengthening the links of interdependence with European and Asian (mainly Chinese) economies. It therefore relies on certain sectors, such as the petroleum industry, which make short-term calculations. In this situation, Donald Trump must prove to his supporters that he will defend their interests, even going against the long-term goals of other US companies.

Is the President of the United States so different from the heads of state and companies defending the Paris agreement? No, of course. None of them can really confront the ecological problems that threaten the planet, because posing these problems would mean opposing the capitalist mode of production.

Since this option is excluded, they try to temporize as much as possible, adopting the ostrich technique: facts would be subject to ideas, and to claim that global warming does not exist, or that American growth is the solution to everything, would suffice to solve the problems. Such an attitude today is absolutely criminal and must be considered as such.

Our vision of ecology is quite different: it is based on material facts, on the active participation of the masses in the revolutionary transformation of the mode of production. We affirm today, as yesterday, that only socialist production planning at the global level can allow us to get out of the capitalist nightmare and the ecocide it generates. And this assertion poses the question of power: only taking the power by the masses, under the leadership of the working class, throught the people’s war, will solve this problem.

What is our vision of ecology? It is a global vision, which is necessarily built on a global scale. It responds to the real needs of our class: to live decently, to enjoy nature without degrading it, to produce reasonably and rationally to meet the needs of each person. It also involves the development of a scientific vision of the world around us, through an egalitarian education and not reserved for the elite, making it possible to understand the stakes of ecology and its relationship with the class struggle.

Capitalism, by its very nature, is founded on the anarchy of production, that is to say on free competition which is supposed to self-regulate – an absolutely idealistic conception of economics which disarms peoples’ facing oil catastrophes, rising water levels or agri-food scandals (infamous farming, GMOs, pesticides, etc.).

To pose the question of ecology today is to ask the question of the transition to socialism – that is to say, the establishment of a system adapted to the requirements of our century, efficient and humane, in service of the people and not of the capital.

Working-class neighborhoods: police brutality and class injustice

The assassination of Adama Traoré in Beaumont-sur-Oise and Shaoyo Liu in the 19th arrondissement of Paris, and the rape of Théo Luhaka in Aulnay-sous-Bois once again reveals the brutality of police violence in working class neighborhoods. Despite the strong mobilization for Adama, Théo and Shaoyo, police impunity continues and is perfectly maintained by the ruling class which grants more and more power to the armed forces of the State.

Recently it was young Curtis who was killed by the police on Friday, May 5, certainly by some BAC cops, a murder which was quickly made into an accident. And those who dare to raise their voices a little too strongly against this system have only one response: repression and confinement. We saw it with the heavy and unjust conviction on appeal of Bagui Traoré for six months in jail on June 6.

Today it is Amal Bentounsi who (again) faced the repression of the bourgeois state. She was arrested as she courageously filmed a police intervention in Meaux. During the live video she was filiming, one of the cops was wearing a Nazi symbol, an iron cross on his ring, the police officers of Meaux obviously have something to hide in fearing Amal’s phone.

Amal Bentounsi is the founder of the Urgence notre Police Assassine (Emergency, our Police Kills) collective. She founded this collective following the assassination of her brother Amine Bentounsi, killed by a bullet in his back in 2012. Since then, she has never stopped denouncing all police brutality and supporting the families of the victims. Her struggle quickly led her to be targeted and repressed by the bourgeois state. Thus, Manuel Valls, then Minister of the Interior, shamefully filed a complaint against her for “contempt”, a complaint that resulted in a dismissal. Thanks to a strong mobilization and a fierce fight against police lies, Damien Saboundjian, the policeman who murdered Amine Bentounsi, was convicted in March.

Under capitalism, police violence can only increase. The bourgeois state needs to maintain itself through violence in places where social order is most easily challenged. Working class neighborhoods are the proletariat strongholds in France, and for this reason the bourgeois repressive forces (such as the BAC, the BST, etc.) are the most present and the most brutal there. The arming of these forces is becoming heavier and heavier, the municipal police is always more equipped including with firearms, the BAC now has G36C assault rifles. And the laws of the bourgeois state always facilitate class injustice and police murder: the state of emergency and its constitutionalization, the self-defense law and so on.

The new government will not make any changes, it will only intensify the security policy already in place.

Faced with police violence we must organize and mobilize ourselves. We must develop a genuine people’s self-defense in our neighborhoods. We need to be responsive and monitor the police for each of it interventions. We must strengthen our solidarity with all police repression victims. We must demand the release of Bagui and all those locked up for daring to defy the police lies. We must also develop the consciousness that will put an end to class injustice and police brutality with a revolution, because it’s only by overthrowing the capitalist system that the power of our class will be established.

Support for Amal Bentounsi! Freedom for Bagui Traoré!

Justice and Truth for Curtis, for Angelo Garand, for Shaoyo, for Theo, for Jean-Pierre Ferrara, for Adama and for all the victims of police violence!

Let us prepare for popular self-defense!

Gwadloup: 50th Anniversary of the Massacre of Mé 1967!

Fifty years ago, on the 26 and 27 May 1967, the French government repressed in cold blood a demonstration by construction workers in Guadeloupe. Construction workers demanded a 2% wage increase and organized a rally in front of the Pointe-à-Pitre Chamber of Commerce. The CRS and then the gendarmes (the “red kepis”) opened fire on the demonstrators and chased them all night, checking one by one all the streets of the city.

This colonial massacre is part of a long tradition of French colonialism of bloody repression of popular and independent movements in the colonies (in Setif in Algeria on May 8, 1945, in Haïphong in Vietnam in 1946, in Casablanca (Morocco) in 1947, in Madagascar in 1947, the massacre of 17 October 1961 and many others …).

Fifty years after the massacre, the French state continues to maintain secret archives and the truth is not yet made. Today the people of Guadeloupe continue to demand justice and truth.

A brief historical review of the colonial rule of Guadeloupe

Colonial France began to occupy Guadeloupe as early as 1635 with various colonial companies. Before that, the population of Guadeloupe resisted to numerous invasions of the Spanish colonists from 1496.

The occupation of Guadeloupe, especially by the Chevalier de l’Olive, who had become the governor of Guadeloupe by Richelieu, marked the beginning of the great colonial massacres committed by France in Guadeloupe. From then on, the people of Guadeloupe never stopped resisting the settlers.

The first slaves arrived on the island in December 1644 but it was from 1654 that the number of slaves transported from Africa began to increase drastically. The slaves were sold as soon as they arrived at the port and the name of the master is stamped to them with hot iron on the chest. Some slaves managed to escape and some fought hard against their former masters: they burned the harvests, poisoned their masters … Those were the ones called “brown negroes” by the colonists who repressed them violently (ears removed, hams cut … ).

In 1656, a great uprising of slaves took place. This one was led by Jean Leblanc, native of Angola and by Pèdre, native of Cape Verde. They faced the settlers for 15 days but ended up being massacred, Pèdre and Leblanc were quartered.

After the French Revolution, in August 1793, at Sainte-Anne, a revolt of more than 1200 slaves took place. After fierce battles they were also massacred.

In 1794, during the English occupation, the governor Victor Hugues enlisted more than 3000 Guadeloupeans to fight against the English. In the same year he declared the abolition of slavery, it was the first “abolition of slavery” in Guadeloupe. It is, however, a strange “abolition”: the slaves must continue to work for their former masters and to move, they must be in possession of a laissez-passer.

This short “abolition” of the slave ceased in 1802 with Napoleon who sent a squadron on May 6 to restore slavery as quickly as possible. The resistance is strong, the restoration of slavery is done by crushing the insurgents led by Ignace and Delgres. Several thousand Guadeloupians were massacred.

In 1848, the abolition of slavery was again proclaimed, but soon, in the face of the many former slaves who rejected wage labor, a law on compulsory labor was established.

After the Second World War, in 1946 the status of Guadeloupe changed, without any consultation of the Guadeloupean people of course, it is the law of Assimilation: Guadeloupe becomes a French department. Since then the social and independence struggle has never ceased in Guadeloupe.

Mé 67: Popular revolt and colonial massacre

The year 1967 was a great year of popular revolts in Guadeloupe. These culminated with the strike of 5,000 construction workers who were suppressed in blood on 26 and 27 May 1967.

In the 1960s, many cane mills began to close. The massive cultivation of cane sugar is the result of the colonial economy of Guadeloupe, where large monocultures of cane sugar formed more than 50% of the cultivated land. With the closure of sugar factories, many workers find themselves in misery and are going to swell slums around cities to work in the construction sector that is booming. These workers ruined by the closure of their factories work in extreme conditions for wages of misery.

In 1967, the legislative elections were held. The GONG (National Organization Group of Guadeloupe) called for boycotting them and for claiming national independence. There was more than 53% abstention. The GONG was founded in 1963, it was the organization at the forefront of the struggle for national independence. The GONG was based on Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. The GONG had as line the People’s National Democratic Revolution for the independence of Guadeloupe, it rejected autonomism and reformism. It opposed in particular the revisionists of the PCG (Communist Party of Guadeloupe) which relegated a possible self-determination of Guadeloupe after firstly haven took the power in the French metropole.

In March 1967, a major revolt took place against the European merchant Srnsky. He let his dog on Mr. Balzinc, a disabled shoemaker-nailing pedestrian, saying “Say hello to the negro”. The revolt will last for three days. Planes full of CRS had to come to the rescue. The shop and the car of Srnsky were burned.

On May 1, a demonstration for the Workers’ Day was organized at the call of the GONG and gathers hundreds of protestors.

On May 24, 5.000 construction workers went on strike. They were demanding a 2% increase in wages. On the morning of May 26, the workers gathered in front of the Pointes-à-Pitres Chamber of Commerce where the negotiations were held. The bosses don’t want to give up anything. Mr. Brizzard, representing the employers, would have said: “When the negroes will be hungry, they will resume work.” This will trigger an enormous anger among the struggling workers who will not hesitate to attack the forces of repression. Shortly afterwards, Prefect Bolotte ordered his troops to fire in the crowd. Firstly, the CRS were repressing, but then came the gendarmes, the “red kepis”. Those will pursue the demonstrators throughout the afternoon and all night shooting. The action of Prefect Bolotte was approved by Secretary of State Jacques Foccart, an expert of anti-colonial repression very close to De Gaulle. The crackdown will continue until 27 May.

In hospitals, deaths are not recorded. The bodies “disappear” and the official report of the prefecture will announce only 7 dead and 60 wounded. This “sum” is taken up by the entire press, which relays information as  news.

The reality is that that night, it was the massacre of more than a hundred Guadeloupeans that took place. The first to be martyred under the bullets of the armed forces of the French State is Jacques Nestor, a great militant of the GONG. The French State was clearly seeking to defeat the independenceists that they saw as the origin of the demonstrations and as the greatest threat to French colonialism in Guadeloupe.

In addition to the dead, there were dozens of wounded and hundreds of arrests. In June 1967, 18 GONG independentists appeared before the courts in Paris. On the side of the State, no one was tried as responsible for the massacre.

It was only in 1984 that the secretary of State for the overseas Georges Lemoine announced the figure of 87 dead. But this still has nothing of official recognition and is far from shedding light on the truth about the massacre. The archives are still closed today.

The task remains the same today

Today, Guadeloupe still suffers from colonial domination on all levels: economically, politically and socially. The economy is still dominated by the békés, it has remained a colonial type of economy serving the interests of the great French monopolies. Inequality continues to grow and poverty is increasingly widespread. This was particularly noticeable after the 2007 crisis.

Guadeloupe has never ceased to revolt against the French State. We recall the great general strike of 2009. This strike has shown that the people of Guadeloupe does not surrender and is ready to fight to assert their rights.

The Guadeloupeans continue to courageously reject the French state, this is seen especially through the elections. During the presidential elections of April and May, there was a 60% abstention in the first round and 50.8% in the second round.

The only way for Guadeloupe is to get rid of the colonial domination of the French state in order to regain its destiny in hand. The only way to achieve this is through revolution, not through elections, a revolution led by a genuine Communist Party firmly based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.

Justice and truth for the victims of Mé 1967!

Long live the struggle of the Guadeloupean people!

Tribute to Comrade Yetiş Yalnız

It’s with a great pain that we learned the death of Yetiş Yalnız and his eleven comrades of TIKKO.

We express our condolences to the comrades of the TKP/ML, the TIKKO and their front organizations, and also to the families of the martyrs.

We want to pay a special tribute to Yetiş because we had the chance to know him.

Yetiş was first and foremost an exceptional human being.

Yetiş was born in France and grew up there in Nevers, then in Strasbourg.

Yetiş comes from a family of exiled Communists from Turkey who is aware that the struggle for revolution continues in France and wants to change the society.

Yetiş was a son of the people, and it is quite natural that he committed himself at an early age to fight the capitalist oppression in France in Nevers, Strasbourg and then in Paris.

Yetiş was an example of altruism and each and every one of his comrades of YDG, and beyond, recognized him as a respected organizer and leader.

Thus, Yetiş very early took important responsibilities and was enthusiastically involved in the YDG for example through the newspaper “L’audace” and more generally the organization of democratic youth in France.

Demonstrating unflagging involvement as an exemplary communist leader, he was at the forefront of all struggles. It is for this reason that the French State has monitored, tracked and imprisoned him through its anti-terrorist judges.

Yetiş then decided to take part in the Protracted People’s War in Turkey within the TIKKO.

Finally, Yetiş was a remarkable singer and player of saz. If he gave up a career as a professional artist, it was because it took too much time to allow him also to be the activist he wanted to be.

He reconciled art and revolution through his songs and performed in parties and festivals of revolutionary organizations without sectarianism. In the army he was a member of the TİKKO Müzik Topluluğu.

Yetiş, you humbly fought concretely for communism. May your memory serve as an example and guide us. Let us carry high the flag of the revolution!